Volume III - 1995-1996
Making a Song and Dance: The Musical Voice of Language
by Paul Newham
Paul Newham, who began his training as an actor at the Drama Centre in Britain, has directed for the professional theater and composed vocal music for live performance and television. He is currently researching a book that will overview the current use of voice and singing as a psychotherapeutic medium. Founder and director of the Voice Movement Therapy Center in London, Newmam is the author of The Singing Cure published in 1993 by Random House and of analytic articles for a wide range of academic and popular publications.
Editors' Note: Paul Newham might be described as charismatic, visionary and thoroughly dedicated to his pioneering work with the archetypal powers of voice. As a therapist, he has worked with a broad range of persons, including those classified as "handicapped" as well as professional singers and actors. In the ten years since its development and articulation by Newham, Voice Movement Therapy has become internationally disseminated and respected. His work has been supported by leading figures in the clinical professions and funded by a number of bodies including The British Academy, the Arts Council of Great Britain, The Sobell Foundation and the Sir Jules Thorn Charitable Trust. Newham's address is:
P.O. Box 4218,
First There Was the Word
"In the beginning was the word," or was there ?
In the early 1920's, while Sigmund Freud was developing the techniques which underpin the globally proliferate practice of modern psychotherapy, or the "talking cure," Otto Jesperson published a book on the origin and development of language in the human species in which he proposed with the naive and compassionate enthusiasm of his time:
Men sang out their feelings long before they were able to speak their thoughts. But of course we must not imagine that "singing" means exactly the same thing here as in a modern concert hall. When we say that speech originated in song, what we mean is merely that our comparatively monotonous spoken language and our highly developed vocal music are differentiations of primitive utterances, which had more in them of the latter than of the former. These utterances were at first, like the singing of birds and the roaring of many animals and the crying and crooning of babies, exclamative, not communicative -- that is, they came forth from an inner craving of the individualů
They little suspected that in singing as nature prompted them they were paving the way for a language capable of rendering minute shades of thought; just as they could not suspect that out of their coarse pictures of men and animals there should one day grow an art enabling men of distant countries to speak to one another.1
Otto Jesperson had been influenced by a famous essay on the origin of music by Herbert Spencer which proposed that the function of "singing" in pre-verbal cultures was to release emotional energy, ventilating and dispensing the psychological excitation generated by the vital experiences of life; that is to say it was equivalent with what Freud described as "abreactive catharsis." Jesperson reiterated Spencer's notion endorsing the idea that "singing," like any other sort of play, is due to an overflow of energy, which is discharged through "vocal vivacity" and by which "exploits, deeds and experiences of every kind" are turned into sounds which provide the raw material out of which the earliest songs were born.2 Ernst Kurth in his famous text Musikpsychologie, also written in the late nineteen twenties, says:
In investigating the thematic roots of folksong, one soon comes upon Psychological roots as well; among all races there appear certain recurrent, simple idioms that are really nothing but ultimate symbols of their vital consciousness: calls, chimes, Ecradlerhythms, work rhythms... shouts, hunting-calls...3
These acoustic symbols of "vital consciousness" which, we may speculate, were expressed through the spontaneous vocal sounds of early peoples, compare to the preverbal musical babblings of the infant. It is as though each new-born child in a matter of months traces the development of human beings played out over thousands of years. These sounds uttered during post-natal vocalization contain a generic universality; they give voice to a level of human experience which constitutes a collective consciousness, a trans-cultural level of feeling. They do not "describe" or "represent" phenomena but "expose" an immediate response to experience; they are comparable to our imagined voices of primitive cultures which, in Jesperson's words, were "exclamative rather than communicative." Unlike the subsequent development of culture-specific languages which have generated a communication barrier between different peoples, these infantile trans-cultural and paralinguistic expressions of affect continue to infiltrate the oral code of adult humankind. In a study of the different kinds of non-verbal symbols which people use to enhance spoken language, the psychologists Ruesch and Kees state:
Emotional expression appears most spectacularly when verbal communication fails altogether. The inability to use words occurs when people are overwhelmed by anger, anxiety, fear, shame. In spite of the incoherent nature of the things they say on such occasions, or the inability to speak at all, others can still understand the implications of their actions, human cries of fear and the kind of trembling associated with anxiety are correctly interpreted anywhere in the world, and the appearance of tears is universally regarded as a sign of tension release attributed to states of pleasure, pain, or grief. Hence the chief function of emotional expression is that of a universal and international emergency language.4
It is the sound of the voice which marks the birth of every newborn child; the life and soul of the baby depends upon its capacity to breathe, and the voice consists of nothing but this breath made audible by the vibration of the vocal cords.
For the first three months, the baby cries only as an expression of hunger and distress, the melody of which rises and falls like a siren and within weeks a mother will be able to distinguish her child's cry from that of many others without face-to-face contact. The mother has an innate aptitude, an in-built ability to detect the idiosyncratic cadences, the unique quality of rhythm and melody which her baby alone possesses. In addition to these tonal cries, the baby also makes vegetative sounds: coughs, dribbles, hiccups, lip-smacking, burps and wheezes which result from physiological processes.
At around three months old, a new quality of crying emerges which also has a rising and falling melody, but which usually has a slightly higher pitch range than the melody of distress. This is often identified as the emergence of the first pleasure cry and from this period on, the mother is able to differentiate between cries of hunger and cries of tiredness, between cries of physical discomfort and those of irritability, between cries of distress and those of pleasure. In short, the mother has the capacity to perceive in the child's melodic arrangement of pitch, a language which is as sophisticated as the baby's needs.
The emerging pleasure sounds contain acoustic properties which act as the precursor for the vowels that will later be used in words; and the differentiation between the melody of distress and that of pleasure has been identified as the baby's first step towards the acquisition of speech.5 However, whereas the verbal infant will later organize such sounds according to the rules of the dictionary, the baby, not yet familiar with such a scheme, arranges them according to an intuitive, creative and innate sense of pitch, melody and rhythm in a fashion directly akin to the composition of music. This inborn, natal musical aptitude which a baby has, came to be the subject of serious research in the early 1960's when for example, the melodic patterns of pitch sung by a number of babies were plotted and their compositions analysed.6 The results of ongoing subsequent research in this area points to a meaningful relationship between the breadth and complexity of a baby's melodious and musical crying and her proficiency in the later acquisition of speech.7 A limited pitch range in preverbal singing often occurs in children who turn out to be "late developers" in the proficient employment of speech. There are also a number of impending developmental or congenital conditions, such as Down's Syndrome and Chromosome 5 deficiency, which can be detected in the melodic nature of early crying. More surprising than this is the evidence to suggest that the cry of a baby at risk from Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) or "cot death" has certain acoustic characteristics, such as radical shifts of pitch, which may be recognizable enough to assist in preventing its occurrence.8
The Raw Material for Vowels
This instinctive musical arrangement of spontaneous vocal sounds, or "cooing," in which are recognizable the raw material for vowels and in which emotional predicament and perhaps even certain "abnormal" conditions can be detected, is followed between the ages of about 3 and 6 months by new kinds of sounds which form the raw material for consonants and is known as babbling. The "back consonants," such as "k" and "g" are formed by interrupting the transglottal air flow at the rear of the oral cavity and the "labial consonants," such as "b" and "m" require the flow to be interrupted at the front of the mouth. Whilst the vowels of "cooing" are arranged as melodic tones in harmonic relationship, the consonants are arranged as percussive beats in rhythmical relation. Both arrangements are spontaneous compositions following a phylogenetic, archetypal, trans-cultural collective score. The crying, cooing and babbling emerge purely instinctively and not as a result of any instruction from the mother or care-giver. Deaf babies cry, coo and babble just as hearing babies do.9 It is one of the biological patterns of behavior which the human species universally possesses and despite the unique quality to each baby's voice, there is a ubiquitous similarity to the crying, cooing and babbling of all babies that is recognizable world-wide. It is these innate universal qualities that give it a specific quality of humanity and which may be described as the "universal acoustics of primal vocalization".
So too the perceptive faculty of the mother, which enables her to recognize the content of these cries, is a preprogrammed instinct. The mother does not need to take a course in a foreign language to comprehend the emotion or need communicated by her baby's crying, she acquires the aptitude for such an understanding as an integral aspect of her genetic predisposition. It is part of motherhood.
Thus we might say that between mother and baby there exists a phylogenetic and symbiotic communication in which the mother associates the various qualities of the baby's crying, cooing and babbling with certain needs, ideas and references. It is by way of her positive response to them that the baby receives affirmation of the communicative efficacy of the sounds which it makes, and the babbling eventually leads to mock conversations with the mother or caregiver which further serve to comfort and arouse.
The child absorbs a pleasure from these audible emissions, a pleasure that is thereafter forever craven for, a pleasure that is entirely oral. The mouth thus becomes the seat of sensory stimulation on two counts--it is the locus of contact with the nourishing breast and the centre of operation in the production of sound. But the mouth is not only one of the first centres of pleasure, it is also the original means by which a sense of power or control is achieved. The infant learns quickly that his needs are met in consequence to sound making, and the positive response to his crying is the first experience an infant has of command and influence. In the early part of the babbling stage the infant combines the consonants and vowels to make phonemes according only to the music of emotion and instinct. When listening to a child combine these phonemes in the preverbal stage, we are aware of his or her predicament not from "what" is uttered but by the "way in which" it is uttered. Likewise, the child responds not to the linguistic content of a parent's voice, but to its pitch and quality. Human communication with animals operates by this principle; a dog will respond to being scolded in French, German or in 5"gobbledygook," and the same may be said of the baby.
Language and the Loss of Primary Vocalization
However, the child's success as a potential adult with full communicative faculty depends upon her ability to bring vocal sound-making into line with a specific man-made order. This order is structured according to laws by which the phonemes are combined to formulate words which society understands as the language particular to its culture. These words are acquired painstakingly, repetitiously, until all signs of the instinctive and emotive sound of the voice are subdued and incorporated by a linguistic code into which the child must contextualise the sounds in order to assert his or her rights within the social and linguistic context. The ability to use this code of language efficiently in differing social contexts has been called "communicative competence"10; and a prerequisite for this competence is the successful acquisition of an ability to combine phonemes into morphemes.
This transition from a universal musical tonality of babbling to the acquisition of the language specific to the child's culture is achieved by a process of education. The caregiver, in responding to the child, repeats and encourages those phonemes and combinations thereof which have a place in the words of her language and ignores or discourages those babbles which her particular language does not utilize. In behavioral psychology, when a pleasant environmental response results from a particular action or expression, it is said to exert a "reinforcement" whilst when a negative response or undesirable occurrence ensues, it is said to exert a "punishment." If the same action or expression is repeatedly punished, it will eventually diminish, and this is referred to as "extinction."11 It is, according to the behaviorist model of language acquisition, from the process of reinforcement and punishment by the caregiver towards the child's sound-making that the first words appear, from which the child pieces together the spoken language of his or her culture and during which the unacceptable or unusable sounds become extinct. But where the original music making of the infant continues to exert its influence is in prosody and intonation, that is the stress with which phonemes, morphemes and words are pronounced.
Prosody after Melody
Without intonation our voices would be colourless and literally monotonous, that is mono-tonal, of one tone only. But, not only does intonation give melodic variation to our speech, it contributes to the message encoded. For example, compare the following two sentences of identical:linguistic content but uttered with different intonations.
Susan kissed her mother and then Philip kissed her.
Susan kissed her mother and then Philip kissed her.
The message encoded by the first sentence informs the listener that Philip kissed Susan's mother, but by shifting the pattern of intonation so as to stress the word "her," the second sentence implies that Philip kissed Susan. The alteration of stress is achieved by what a musician would call pitch variation. If you speak the sentences aloud in a deliberately slowed pace you will notice that in the first sentence, the word "her" will automatically be uttered on a single pitch identical to the that of the preceding word "kissed." However, in the second sentence you will probably raise the pitch at the beginning of the word "her" and slide downwards on a scale. This musical variation of linguistic content is called "prosody" and the way such melodic intonations influence the messages which language encodes is called "prosodic phonology."12
Prosody is a musical phenomenon and differs from phonology in that it is a characteristic which a baby is born with. Healthy neonates will compose melodic structures of rising and descending pitch using the full vocal range available to them from the moment they are born.13 It is the application of these musical possibilities to phonemes, morphemes and words in order to encode specific meaning that is acquired through reinforcement, and it is the process of increasing proficiency in the use of words that we associate with the notion of progress, development and increasing intelligence within the Piagerian view of learning which still dominates our view of education.
From Expression to Abstraction
In Piaget's model of human development, the qualities which differentiate the later and so-called higher stages of infant growth from those accompanying the earlier years, pertain to the child's ability to construct and combine abstract symbols and comprehend their relationship to the phenomena therein represented. Language is one of these forms of abstract symbols; counting is another. Piaget's view of the child's aging is one which perceives a goal-directed movement towards ever increasing sophistication in the cognitive assimilation of logical ideas and relations.
In the early stages, a child is unable to conceive that an object exists when it is out of sight or hearing or when it cannot be touched, tasted or smelled. Her knowledge derives from the senses. However, the child gradually realizes that objects continue to exist and exert an influence upon the world even when she cannot experience their presence sensibly; and it is this mental dawning which facilitates the linguistic process of naming things. By giving objects names they acquire a permanence, and the child is then able to process relationships between these linguistic symbols without ever having to come into sensory contact with the objects which they signify. The names become abstracted from the things.
One of the extreme examples of such abstract cognition is pure mathematics, where the numbers bear no relationship to objects or experience and yet can be mastered to guarantee a continuum of logic. For example, imagine that a book is held 500 millimeters from the ground and then let go. In mathematical terms, for the book to reach the floor it must first fall half the distance, bringing it 250 millimeters from its destination; then it must fall half that distance, bringing it 125 millimeters from the ground; and so on add infinitum:
500 x1/2 = 250 x 1/2 =125 x 1/2 = 62.5 x 1/2 = 31.25 x 1/2 = 15.625 x 1/2 = 7.8125 x 1/2 = 3.90625 x 1/2 = 1.953125 x 1/2 = 0.9765625 x 1/2 = 0.48828125 x 1/2 = 0.244140625
According to the formal operation of abstract mathematical symbols, the book would never reach the floor, but would spend forever traveling smaller and smaller distances. But of course anyone who has ever dropped a book knows that it does reach the earth and that the infinitesimal and infinite series of figures which the above calculations engender are not synonymous with the sensible experience of space. For Piaget however, "development," "progress" and "intelligence" mean a move away from such sensory experience towards proficiency in the organization of data and ideas without experiential contact with the phenomena which they are supposed to represent. The concepts of adulthood and abstraction become equated as do childhood and sensible experience.
The most comprehensive critique and criticism of this overly logical aspect to Piaget's schema comes from Howard Gardner who points out that Piaget has "paid little heed to adult forms of cognition removed from the logic of science: there is scant consideration of the thought processes used by artists, writers, musicians, athletes, equally little information about processes of intuition, creativity or novel thinking."14 Gardner points out that an adult's ability to comprehend, appreciate and "know" a phenomenon does not depend on the degree to which he cognitively understands the systematic logic of the underlying structures. It is not necessary to possess a cognitive comprehension of the underlying epistemes in order to develop a perceptive insight into a phenomenon; neither is such abstract proficiency necessary to creatively partake in a process with seemingly logical parameters, such as music.15 A composer or a deeply insightful music buff may have as highly developed faculties relevant to the production and perception of music as an expert in score notation; but the former's approach is intuitive, creative and non-logical.
Significance of Non-Cognitive Apprehension
The implications of Gardner's thesis for children's education reminds us how little attention has been paid to the significance of this non-cognitive apprehension and perception in schools throughout the U.K., Europe and the U.S.A.16 This is as apparent in music as it is in any other subject, where the emphasis, the criteria for future development and the accessibility of higher education and training has been linked more to the individual's cerebral understanding of the logical operations around which music supposedly coheres and by which its virtuosity of execution is supposedly preserved, than on his or her artistic perception of the extra-logical aspects of the human condition which music was in the first instance born to express. Fortunately this situation is slowly being dismantled as a result of contemporary research, much of which emanates from Project Zero, an interdisciplinary programme based at Harvard University, of which Gardner is part. The aim of the project is to investigate the non-logical process of artistic creativity and development, particularly in children, and many of the discoveries so far published by Project Zero provide a long overdue antidote to the logical legacy of Piaget.17
The Wipe Out Effect
A key figure in this research is Jeanne Bamberger, who drew the distinction between "formal" and "intuitive" understandings of music, and set up experiments with young children to ascertain the degree to which cognition of the formal structures inherent in music enhanced or depleted the instinctive ability to intuitively appreciate or create it. She discovered that the more proficient children became in musical notation, the less able they were to demonstrate the creative ability to sense and describe its mood and affect or recreate them through improvisation. Bamberger calls this the "wipe out effect," and her plea is for an increased respect for natural, non-formal, playful and spontaneous music-making in the school classroom and a move towards placing less emphasis on the formal system of abstract notation which a Piaget-orientated attitude tends to view as advanced.
This valuation of a non-formal relationship to the appreciation and creation of music does not entail teaching in the sense that an untaught child is already highly predisposed to intuitive creativity. Research contemporaneous with Bamberger's carried out by Helmut Moog 18, Jay Dowling 19 and Lyle Davidson 20 has shown a widespread innate tendency to create music through the organization of repetitive pitch patterns amongst very young infants. The increased ability in cognitive comprehension such as the reading and reproduction of musical notation may, therefore, be seen as much a process of extinguishing a natural skill as facilitating the acquisition of a new one.
Despite the work of those such as Gardner and Bamberger, the most widespread popular attitudes still emanate from a perspective which holds cognitive abstraction and scientific logic in far higher esteem than intuitive, experiential and sensible operations. Consequently, the process of transition from intuitive and spontaneous expression of affect to cognitive encoding of fixed linguistic symbols of meaning in the development of the infant is viewed as a progression from a primitive position to a more sophisticated one. Furthermore, this process of so-called advancement is mirrored in the likely process of development from primal tonal utterances to verbal language in the development of the human species. This process is also unfortunately and unjustifiably as synonymous with the notion of developmental progress in the human race as in the individual.
Equal Aspects of Expressive Potential
But rather than perceiving the relationship between these two different forms of expression in terms of teleological progress from one to the other, we would create a truer and less prejudicial picture of the human condition by considering them as two equally important aspects of our expressive potential. The prejudice inherent in a so-called progressive and developmental attitude to the relationship between these two forms of expression becomes particularly striking when working with people whose physical or mental condition renders sophisticated cognitive processes inaccessible. People who cannot speak or count, the so-called handicapped or impaired, but who continually express a vocal dance of sounds which derive from their experience of the world are not communicating in a language which is less advanced or more primitive than those partial to linguistic discourse; they are speaking in a language which is based on a different formulation. We must recognize that the glorification of logical operations and the process of equating them with worth and proficiency represents a particularly insipid contribution to the general prejudice with which nonverbal people are viewed.
Another detrimental effect of the Piagerian developmental view is that it is too easy to forget the positive effect which early processes can have on later logical ones. This is particularly pertinent to language learning where the early, primitive and primarily right hemisphere orientated process of music making can enhance the process of language acquisition and memory which places demands upon the left hemisphere.
MUSIC, MOTION AND MEMORY
Language teaching can be enhanced by drawing upon those components which constitute the innate predilection which we have to learn. It is therefore necessary to look beneath and beyond the process of language learning in the classroom to see what precedes it in the organization of mental development. As I have argued, the backdrop, blue-print and initiating expressive faculties upon which linguistic or verbal activity are predicated consist of the phylogenetic spontaneous rhythmical arrangement of sound and silence which constitute the composition of music. Through the use of music in the teaching of language, it is therefore possible to bring to a cognitively challenging activity a dimension reminiscent of one of the most primary and primitive pleasures: that of singing.
Throughout Britain, singing in the classroom was, in the earlier part of the twentieth century, a highly popular activity with both teachers and pupils and was inseparable from another activity fortified with expediency as a teaching aid: playing. The intimate connection between singing and playing gained its most vibrant expression in the variety of singing games used throughout Europe by children in and out of school and which have been the subject of exquisite and scrutinizing study by Iona and Peter Opie.21
The British Board of Education, in its 1905 recommendations for appropriate methods of teaching, strongly urged the use of French Nursery Rhymes, German Kindergarten Songs and Old English Singing Games as a way of teaching children how to play and thereby enjoy the process of schooling. So widespread was the use of rhyme, song and game that many publications full of invented singing games were produced, such as the once classic Singing Games for Children by Eleanor Farjeon (1919). Often the authors of such books traveled from school to school, village (to village introducing them in practice.
One of the effects of singing is that it enables words, and therefore the objects or phenomena which they signify, to be remembered. This is particularly so when the singing is accompanied by movement. The simultaneity of motor action and vocalization in the preverbal infant is revived through song and dance, where the attaching of particular tones and gestures to specific words sets them in a firm and easily retrievable form. The use of movement to assist in the retention of words is overtly visible when watching theatre actors work. Whilst the text is difficult to retain during the period of solitary line-learning, once the director has choreographed, or "blocked" the basic exit, entrance, gestural and pedestrian movements of the players to which lines are designated, the activation of the moves assists the actor in remembering the lines which have been attached to them.
In the same way that motion aids linguistic memory, singing has the same effect. In experiments conducted at my own studio in London, both children and adults were shown to be significantly more able to remember a series of learned verbal constructs, ranging from lists of objects to poetic excerpts, when they were taught as simple songs rather than tuneless phrases.
The close relationship between song and memory is also observable amongst populations suffering from such kinds of mental disturbances which deplete the capacity for long term-memory. Those with senile dementia, for example, show a marked increased capacity for remembering the persons and events of a distant period when they hear a song from the relevant episode of their life. Songs provoke the sentiment of reminiscence and in consequence provoke thoughtful cerebral reflection upon the subject which is being reminisced.
One of the most exquisite examples of the contributory role of song in the maintenance of memory is portrayed in Bruce Chatwin's description of the Australian Aborigines.22 The native Australians, faced with the need to travel on foot across vast areas of barren wilderness with few stable land-marks, inherit and retain songs from their ancestors which describe the graphic features of the route and act therefore as an acoustic map, steering the journey-people along the right course. This use of song to prevent becoming lost in the wilderness has a psychological component recognizable in children world-wide who instinctively sing when scared, lost in the dark or faced with the trepidation of having to negotiate themselves through unfamiliar or threatening terrain. The mythical representative of this concept in Western Culture is Orpheus, the Greek hero who used the power of his singing to tame the untamable, not only Cerberus, the three-headed hound of the underworld; Charon, the ferry man, but also Hades himself.23 The myth reminds us that, among other things, singing assuages fear and is rooted in the infantile experience of associating the mother's provision of relief from discomfort with the music of her vocal emissions. Though devoid of understandable linguistic content, these emissions are the signals by which the vulnerable infant is assured of her presence and attention.
THE USE OF SONG TO USE LANGUAGE
The use of song to enhance and stimulate memory has direct use in language learning. The problem, however, is that there is unfortunately so much embarrassment, reticence and trepidation surrounding the use of song amongst teachers who have been made to feel inadequate and unmusical by the restricting logical abstractive educational approach which singing can help to alleviate. To reintroduce the magical and educational activity of singing and song-making into the classroom therefore necessitates the teaching of teachers to feel free and creative in their own vocal playfulness.
To this end I have offered a number of workshops to teachers, aiming to free up the singing voice and reanimate the natural capacity which we all have to create rhyme before reason, and song before speech, which I look forward to introducing at the conference organized by this Journal in 1996. The practical work which I teach is grounded in a set of practical principles which I have named Voice Movement Therapy, introduced and explained in my book The Singing Cure 24 and which will be expanded and deepened in the forthcoming book Voice and Singing in Expressive Arts & Therapy.25 The exercises, games and techniques which underpin Voice Movement Therapy draw out the natural rhyme-making and music-making capacity for which every human being has as an innate but often suppressed propensity; reminding teachers of the naive and creative source from which so many children, as yet unhampered by overly logical processes, are often able to produce whilst at play. Voice Movement Therapy and the teaching practices I have developed for teachers and therapists constitute an essentially methodological way of uncovering the fundamental art of singing as an emotive, psychological, artistic and intuitive process which has been caused to starve through our attention being diverted to the often monstrously overpowering dogma of speech. Though we all need to speak in order to communicate, we also need to sing and dance in order to express; for speech without music, and motion without dance is a curse which leads to language without heart.
1 0. Jesperson, Language: Its Nature, Development and Origin( London: Allen & Unwin,1922), pp.436-437.
2 H. Spencer, "Essay on the Origin of Music," cited in O. Jesperson, Language: Its Nature,Development and Origin( London: Allen & Unwin,1922), p.434.
3 E. Kurth, Musikpsychologie, (Berlin: M. Hesse, 1931), p.291.
4 J. Ruesch and W. Kees, Nonverbal Communication: Notes on the Visual Perception of Human Relations (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press), p.64.
5 M. M. Lewis, Early Fesponse to Speech and Babbling in Infant Speech (London: Kegan Paul,1936).
6 M. Greene and J. Conway, Learning to Talk: A Study in Sound of Infant Speech Development, (NewYork: Folkways Records, 1963), FX 6271.
7 M. Greene and L. Mathieson,The Voice and its Disorders 5th ed. ( London: Whurr, 1989),pp. 62-65.
8 R.E. Stark and S. Nathanson, "Unusual Features of Crying in an Infant Dying Suddenly and Unexpectedly," in Development of Upper Respiratory Anatomy and Function: Implications for SID,ed. by J. Bosma and J. Showacre (Washington: U.S. Department of Health Education, 1975).
9 M. Greene and L. Mathieson, The Voice and its Disorders 5th ed. ( London: Whurr, 1989),p.64.
10 D. Hymes, "Competence and Performance in Linguistic Theory" in Language Acquisition:Models and Methods, ed. by R. Huxley and E. Ingram (London: Academic Press, 1971).
11 B. F. Skinner, Verbal Behaviour(NewYork: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1957).
12 P. Grunwell, Clinical Phonology(London: Croom Helm, 1982).
13 P. Ostwald, "Musical Behaviour in Early Childhood" in Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology,15 (1973), 367-75.
14 H. Gardner, "Developmental Psychology after Piaget: An Approach in Terms of Symbolization" in Human Development, (1979), 73-88 (p.76.)
15 H. Gardner,The Arts and Human Development (New York: Wiley, 1973), p.45. (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1982).
16 See Particularily E. Winner, Invented Worlds: The Psychology of the Arts CambridgeMassachussetts: Harvard University Press, 1982).
17 J. Bamberger, "Revisiting Children's Drawings of Simple Rhythms: A Function for Reflection-in-Action', in U-shaped Behavioural Growth, ed. by S. Strauss and R. Stavy (New York: Academic Press, 1982).
18 H. Moog,The Musical Experience of the Pre-school Child (London: Schott, 1976).
19 W.J. Dowling, "Development of Musical Schemata in Childrens Spontaneous Singing," in Cognitive Processes in the Perception of Art, ed. by W. R. Crozier and A. J. Chapman (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1982).
20 L. Davidson, "Tonal Structures of Children's Early Songs," Music Perception (1985), 361-74.
21 I. & P. Opie,The Singing Game(Oxford: Oxford University Press,1985).
22 Bruce Chatwin,Songlines(London: Picador, 1987).
23 P.Newham, The Outlandish Adventures of Orpheus in the Underworld (Bath: Barefoot Books, 1993).
24 P. Newham, The Singing Cure (London: Random House, 1993 & Boston: Shambhala, 1994).
25 P. Newham, Voice and Singing in the Expressive Arts and Therapy (Forthcoming: London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1996).
back to content page